The 1970s and 1980s in Austria were transformative decades for the feminist and labour movements alike. Autonomous feminists and socialist trade union women – each in their own manner – sought to address issues of gender inequality in the workplace and beyond. While both groups aimed to improve women’s rights, key elements of their understanding of the issues and approaches differed dramatically. The frictions between autonomous feminists and women trade unionists stemmed from their diverging views on organizational methods, political alliances, and fundamental definitions of gendered labour. Nevertheless, the two groups intermittently found common ground on labour-focused demands.

One of the central issues in the cooperation between autonomous feminists and trade union women was their differing approaches to activism. Autonomous feminists, part of the broader women’s liberation movement, typically rejected traditional institutional frameworks and political structures. They viewed state institutions, including trade unions, as patriarchal entities that failed to adequately represent women’s interests. Their activism invoked the immediate experiences of women and sought to challenge power dynamics in both the public and private spheres. Trade union women, on the other hand, were integrated into well-established organizations dominated by men, such as the Austrian Trade Union Federation (ÖGB) and the Socialist Party of Austria (SPÖ). They operated within these frameworks, aiming to achieve incremental improvements to women’s living and working conditions.

Poster for the International Women's Day in Vienna, 1986 (Source: Wienbibliothek im Rathaus, P-328214)

This divergence in strategy created mistrust between the two groups. Autonomous feminists criticized trade union women for their perceived moderation and willingness to compromise within existing systems. In contrast, many trade union women regarded autonomous feminists as disconnected from the realities of working-class women, arguing that their radical demands were impractical and alienating. The conflict was also fuelled by generational and ideological divides; younger feminists challenged the longstanding practices of labour women, who often had a more pragmatic and gradualist approach to social change.

Despite these differences, both autonomous feminists and trade union women shared a commitment to improving the economic and social conditions of women. This was reflected in their overlapping labour-focused demands regarding such issues as the right to abortion, unpaid household labour, and length of the working week.

One of the most significant areas of cooperation between the two groups was the struggle for reproductive rights, particularly the legalization of abortion. Feminists and trade union women agreed that reproductive autonomy was essential for improving women’s economic opportunities. The campaign for abortion rights in Austria gained momentum in the early 1970s, with support from socialist and communist trade union women who argued that access to abortion was a matter of workers’ rights and economic justice. The movement successfully pressured the government to de-criminalize abortion during the first three months of pregnancy, with the law coming into force in 1975. However, while autonomous feminists pushed for unrestricted access to abortion, trade union women often framed the issue within the broader discourse of family planning and social responsibility. This cautious approach reflected their need to advocate for progressive reforms while maintaining support from men-dominated trade unions and political parties.The recognition and appreciation of unpaid domestic labour, in contrast, was a point of difference between the two groups. Many autonomous feminists, influenced by international debates such as the “Wages for Housework” campaign, strongly argued that domestic labour was an essential part of the economy and should be compensated. They sought to challenge traditional gender roles and demanded state support for domestic work. Trade union women, on the contrary, largely sidestepped the idea of wages for housework, which also led some women to organize at the workplace but outside of traditional trade unions. In Vienna, feminists working at the pharmaceutical company Sandoz organized a “Critical Knitting Group”. Addressing trade unions, their employer, and the wider public alike, they brought up such issues as paid care work, the right to work less, and the recognition of menstruation as a valid reason to take sick leave.

One of the most visible labour-related campaigns in which both groups participated was the push for a shorter workweek. By the 1980s, feminists and trade union women increasingly supported the demand for a 35-hour workweek without the loss of pay. The rationale behind this campaign was twofold: it aimed to create more employment opportunities in the face of economic crises, and it sought to reduce the double burden of paid and unpaid labour that women faced. Autonomous feminists consistently framed the shorter workweek as a feminist issue, arguing that it would allow women more time for political participation, self-care, and shared domestic responsibilities. Although this strong campaign was eventually unsuccessful, it was an example of how trade unionists – albeit cautiously – connected with the demands of autonomous feminists.

The relationship between autonomous feminists and trade union women in Austria during the 1970s and 1980s was marked by both conflict and collaboration. While their differing approaches to activism often created friction, they shared a commitment to improving the working and living conditions of women. Although ideological differences – and institutional constraints – often precluded productive dialogue, the pressure exerted by feminists helped shape trade union policies.