Food Riots in the Hungarian Countryside

In the final years of World War I, between 1917 and 1918, Hungary witnessed a surge of food riots, primarily led by women from the agrarian working class. These uprisings, occurring in small towns and villages, were a direct response to the extreme economic hardships faced by rural populations. The protests were not just acts of desperation but were, in essence, a form of labour activism. These women shouldered a very large part of agricultural production during the war yet were faced with severe shortages of most essential supplies, from food to firewood. With riots, they sought to challenge the government’s failure to provide basic sustenance and to demand better living conditions for themselves and their families.

The conscription of men into the army left women, children, and the elderly to manage agricultural labour, often under exploitative conditions. While wealthier peasants profited from the war by selling food at inflated prices, landless labourers and smallholders suffered immensely. By 1918, wheat harvests had declined by 37 per cent, and food prices had risen by over 1000 per cent. The war relief payments intended to support families of conscripted soldiers were meagre and often delayed, leading to widespread hunger. Women, as the primary caretakers of their households, bore the brunt of these hardships.

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Harvest during the war years, 1914-1918 (Photographer: János Harkányi, source: Hungarian Agricultural Museum and Library, EF_1355.58)

Faced with starvation, agrarian women took to the streets, storming town halls and food supply offices, demanding immediate relief. These protests took various forms, from peaceful demonstrations to violent uprisings. In Lajosmizse in Hungary in July 1918, women attacked the public notary’s office. The notary later reported:

Today, hunger has tortured the mothers of five to six children to such an extent that they created an actual revolution at the town hall and attacked the public notary’s office so heavily that he could leave his office for the midday break only with the support of the gendarmerie.

In Kecskemét in May 1917, a large group of women assembled to demand flour and bread, compelling local authorities to distribute available supplies ahead of schedule. These actions were not isolated; across rural Hungary, women’s food riots became a significant force pressuring local and national authorities to act.

Beyond demanding food, these protests often carried broader political messages. Women called for an end to the war, the return of their conscripted relatives, and fairer economic policies. In some cases, these demands escalated into direct confrontations with local elites, whom the rioters blamed for their suffering. In Hódmezővásárhely – a town with a long history of agrarian socialist organizing – women’s riots in January 1918 targeted not only the immediate shortages of food and firewood but also the structural inequalities that kept them in poverty. These women also voiced fierce critiques of the authorities. Their demonstrations frequently resulted in partial victories, such as temporary increases in war relief payments and improved food distributions.

Although the protests were primarily driven by economic grievances, they sometimes took on an antisemitic character. Jewish merchants, often perceived as symbols of economic exploitation, were targeted during several riots. In Kiskunfélegyháza in February 1918, for instance, rioters looted Jewish-owned stores, accusing shopkeepers of hoarding and price-gouging. The authorities often attributed these violent acts to external agitators rather than addressing the deeper economic issues that fuelled antisemitism.

At the same time, the composition of the protesting women was ethnically diverse. Roma women, who have often been overlooked in historical narratives of agrarian labour activism, participated in some of these protests. This challenges the perception that Roma communities were passive victims of wartime economic policies. Their involvement underscores the broad, cross-ethnic nature of rural discontent.

Unlike earlier labour protests, where rural strikers were often met with brutal repression, the authorities took a somewhat different approach to the women’s food riots. Given the wartime instability and the potential for mass unrest, local officials frequently attempted to appease the demonstrators by distributing food supplies and making promises of improved aid. However, this did not mean that women’s activism was entirely tolerated: many protesters faced arrests, trials, and public condemnation. Officials also attempted to downplay the political significance of these riots by portraying women as irrational and emotional rather than as political actors.

Despite these dismissive attitudes, the riots had a tangible impact. They highlighted the failures of the wartime economy and forced the government to acknowledge the crisis on the home front. While they did not bring about lasting systemic change, they demonstrated the power of collective action among agrarian women, who had historically been excluded from formal political life.

The women’s food riots in wartime Hungary have often been dismissed as spontaneous outbursts of frustration and irrational violence. Yet approaching them as labour activism makes it clear they were a notable form of contestation that rural women used to challenge economic injustice and state policies. These protests point to the central role peasant women played in sustaining not only their families but also the agricultural economy, all while demanding their right to a liveable existence. Their actions disrupted traditional gender roles and forced authorities to respond to the grievances of rural workers. Though often overlooked in mainstream labour history, these women’s riots demonstrate how gender, class, and political struggles intersected during World War I.