In the early 1930s, the Bulgarian tobacco industry experienced a major transformation of the production process, one that had significant social consequences. This transformation stemmed from the introduction of a new labour process, known as the tonga system, that eliminated some of the most labour-intensive stages of tobacco processing. It was part of a wider process – rationalization – that intended to reduce labour costs and increase the efficiency of production. The town of Haskovo became the site of some of the most intense resistance to the tonga system in which women workers played a visible yet controversial role.

Women and children working at a tobacco factory in Bulgaria, 1906 (Source: Topfoto)

Tobacco processing had long been one of Bulgaria’s key export industries, and Haskovo was a major centre for the production of high-quality tobacco. In July 1930, when several major companies attempted to introduce the new technology in Haskovo, a one-day general strike took place, involving between 6,500 and 7,000 workers – practically all local tobacco workers, men and women alike. The protest, organized by communist and anarchist activists, also included demands for unemployment benefits, job security, and the right to organize.

Although initially the reaction to the introduction of the tonga machines among the workers was unanimously negative, strong gender-related tensions promptly emerged within the organized labour movement. The restructuring led to large-scale layoffs of skilled male workers, but it also created new roles primarily for women: positions with lower wages and difficult working conditions. Out of necessity or due to the lack of better alternatives, some women accepted jobs under the new system. This caused pushback from male workers and trade unionists who viewed women’s employment – especially when men were substituted with women – as undermining established gender norms. These critiques found their way into union leaflets. Authors frequently described women’s employment in the tonga system in highly emotional and moralistic terms, suggesting that working women contributed to fathers becoming unemployed, families breaking down, and the destabilization of local communities.

Women workers made their voices heard in ways that extended beyond participation in strikes. Through the press and union meetings, they expressed dissatisfaction with the new work regime, particularly its impact on their physical and mental well-being. An article published in 1932 in the communist women’s newspaper described how the combination of the tonga system and scientific management techniques had reduced workers’ autonomy and intensified workplace exploitation. Women spoke out against long hours, unpaid overtime, and factory regulations that treated them more like machines than people.

The conflicts over the tonga system were not merely technical or economic disputes; they exposed underlying disagreements about gender roles in the world of labour. The Moscow-backed international communist movement criticized the local branch of the communist-affiliated union, the Independent Tobacco Trade Union, for promoting a campaign that failed to take into account the needs and rights of women workers. While the union had supported the anti-tonga protests, it generally did so in ways that prioritized the protection of men’s jobs. International communist organizations encouraged a broader and more inclusive approach, urging Bulgarian trade unions to adopt gender-specific demands such as equal pay and paid maternity leave.

Read more here